昂山素姬 Aung San Suu Kyi 在諾貝爾和平獎頒獎典禮上的演講

Aung San Suu Kyi: Nobel Prize Acceptance Speech	在諾貝爾和平獎頒獎典禮上的演講
Aung San Suu Kyi	昂山素姬 挪威 奧斯陸 2012年6月16日
Your Majesties, Your Royal Highness, Excellencies, Distinguished members of the Norwegian Nobel Committee, Dear Friends,	尊敬的陛下、諸位皇家成員、社會賢達、挪威諾貝爾委員會委員、親愛的朋友們：
Long years ago, sometimes it seems many lives ago, I was at Oxford listening to the radio program Desert Island Discs with my young son Alexander. It was a well-known program (for all I know it still continues) on which famous people from all walks of life were invited to talk about the eight discs, the one book beside the bible and the complete works of Shakespeare, and the one luxury item they would wish to have with them were they to be marooned on a desert island.	很多年前，或者說有時感覺似乎是幾輩子之前，我在牛津和我的幼子亞歷山大一起收聽廣播節目《荒島唱片》。這是一個非常著名的節目（就我所知如今依然是），在節目中，來自各行各業的著名人物受訪，要求他們談談如果他們被放逐到一個荒島上，那麼他們會隨身攜帶哪八張音樂唱片，以及除了《聖經》和《莎士比亞全集》之外的一本書，和一件奢侈物品。我們倆都很喜歡這次的節目。
At the end of the program, which we had both enjoyed, Alexander asked me if I thought I might ever be invited to speak on Desert Island Discs. “Why not?” I responded lightly. Since he knew that in general only celebrities took part in the program he proceeded to ask, with genuine interest, for what reason I thought I might be invited. I considered this for a moment and then answered: “Perhaps because I’d have won the Nobel Prize for literature,” and we both laughed. The prospect seemed pleasant but hardly probable.	在節目結束的時候，亞歷山大問我，我是否想過自己會被邀請參加《荒島唱片》的訪談。我回答道：“為什麼不呢？”他知道一般受邀人士都是明星人物，因此他帶著孩子天真的好奇心，繼續問道，我認為自己會因為什麼原因受到邀請。我思考片刻，回答他說：“也許是因為我獲得了諾貝爾文學獎”。然後，我們倆都開懷大笑。這樣的願景令人高興，但幾乎是完全不可能實現的。
(I cannot now remember why I gave that answer, perhaps because I had recently read a book by a Nobel Laureate or perhaps because the Desert Island celebrity of that day had been a famous writer.)	（現在我不記得當時為什麼這樣回答他的問題，也許是因為當時剛好讀了一本諾貝爾文學獎作品，或是因為那天《荒島唱片》的名人嘉賓剛好是一位著名作家。）
In 1989, when my late husband Michael Aris came to see me during my first term of house arrest, he told me that a friend, John Finnis, had nominated me for the Nobel Peace Prize. This time also I laughed. For an instant Michael looked amazed, then he realized why I was amused. The Nobel Peace Prize? A pleasant prospect, but quite improbable! So how did I feel when I was actually awarded the Nobel Prize for Peace? The question has been put to me many times and this is surely the most appropriate occasion on which to examine what the Nobel Prize means to me and what peace means to me.	1989年，在我第一次被軟禁期間，我的丈夫邁克爾·艾瑞斯在探望我時告訴我，我們的朋友約翰·費尼斯提名我為諾貝爾和平獎候選者。那次，我同樣對此一笑置之。當時邁克爾似乎感到有點驚訝，但他很快明白我為何對此看得如此輕鬆。諾貝爾和平獎？體聽起來很不錯，但基本上不大可能！那麼當我最終真的獲此殊榮之時，我是如何想的呢？我曾多次對自己提出這個問題。毫無疑問，今天在此地，正是檢討諾貝爾獎對我以及和平對我而言意味著什麼的最好場合。
As I have said repeatedly in many an interview, I heard the news that I had been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize on the radio one evening. It did not altogether come as a surprise because I had been mentioned as one of the frontrunners for the prize in a number of broadcasts during the previous week. While drafting this lecture, I have tried very hard to remember what my immediate reaction to the announcement of the award had been. I think, I can no longer be sure, it was something like: “Oh, so they’ve decided to give it to me.” It did not seem quite real because in a sense I did not feel myself to be quite real at that time.	正如我在無數次受訪中所說過的，我是在某個夜晚，透過廣播獲悉自己獲獎的消息的。當時這個消息並沒有讓我感到驚訝。因為在此之前的數星期內，已有好多次新聞報導提到我是最有希望獲得該獎的候選人之一。在撰寫今天的演講稿的時候，我努力回憶當時自己對獲獎消息的最直接的反應是什麼。我想，其實我不太確定，當時我的反應似乎是：“噢，他們決定把這個獎給我了”。當時並不覺得這是真的，因為那時在某種意義上，我甚至並不覺得自己的存在本身是真實的。
Often during my days of house arrest it felt as though I were no longer a part of the real world. There was the house which was my world, there was the world of others who also were not free but who were together in prison as a community, and there was the world of the free; each was a different planet pursuing its own separate course in an indifferent universe. What the Nobel Peace Prize did was to draw me once again into the world of other human beings outside the isolated area in which I lived, to restore a sense of reality to me. This did not happen instantly, of course, but as the days and months went by and news of reactions to the award came over the airwaves, I began to understand the significance of the Nobel Prize. It had made me real once again; it had drawn me back into the wider human community. And what was more important, the Nobel Prize had drawn the attention of the world to the struggle for democracy and human rights in Burma. We were not going to be forgotten.	在我遭受軟禁期間，我感覺自己似乎不再是真實世界的一部分。我所住的房子就是我的整個世界，但他人的世界同樣並不自由，他們所共同生活的世界就像是一個更大的監獄。在此之外，則是一個更大的自由的世界。這些不同的世界，似乎每個都是這個冷漠宇宙的不同星球，運轉在各自彼此不相連的軌道上。而諾貝爾和平獎所帶來的，是再一次將我與軟禁區域之外的世界的人們連接起來，從而使我重獲一種現實感。當然，這一切並不是即刻發生的，而是隨著時間的流逝，更多關於這次授獎決定的反應的新聞報導，透過過電波紛至遝來，那時我才開始理解和平獎的重大意義。它使我再次變得真實；它將我再次拉回到更為廣大的人類共同體之中。更為重要的是，諾貝爾平獎把全世界的目光引向緬甸民主和人權鬥爭的事業。我們不會被世界遺忘。
To be forgotten. The French say that to part is to die a little. To be forgotten too is to die a little. It is to lose some of the links that anchor us to the rest of humanity. When I met Burmese migrant workers and refugees during my recent visit to Thailand, many cried out: “Don’t forget us!” They meant: “don’t forget our plight, don’t forget to do what you can to help us, don’t forget we also belong to your world.” When the Nobel Committee awarded the Peace Prize to me they were recognizing that the oppressed and the isolated in Burma were also a part of the world, they were recognizing the oneness of humanity. So for me receiving the Nobel Peace Prize means personally extending my concerns for democracy and human rights beyond national borders. The Nobel Peace Prize opened up a door in my heart.	法諺有云，分別意味著我們的一部分死亡了。被遺忘同樣意味著我們的一部分死亡了。它意味著失去與周遭人類世界的聯繫。在我最近訪問泰國的時候，許多在當地務工和避難的緬甸人對我大聲呼喊：“不要忘記我們！”他們實際是在說：“不要忘記我們的苦難，不要忘記盡你所能幫助我們！不要忘記我們同樣是這個世界的一部分！”諾委會授予我和平獎的時候，實際上他們是在向這個世界表明，那些遭受壓迫和孤立的緬甸人民同樣是這個世界的一部分，他們同樣是在向這個世界宣稱，我們擁有普世的人性。因此對我個人來說，獲此殊榮意味著我對民主和人權的關注超越了國界。諾貝爾和平獎在我的內心打開了一扇門。
The Burmese concept of peace can be explained as the happiness arising from the cessation of factors that militate against the harmonious and the wholesome. The word nyein-chan translates literally as the beneficial coolness that comes when a fire is extinguished. Fires of suffering and strife are raging around the world. In my own country, hostilities have not ceased in the far north; to the west, communal violence resulting in arson and murder were taking place just several days before I started out on the journey that has brought me here today. News of atrocities in other reaches of the earth abound. Reports of hunger, disease, displacement, joblessness, poverty, injustice, discrimination, prejudice, bigotry; these are our daily fare. Everywhere there are negative forces eating away at the foundations of peace. Everywhere can be found thoughtless dissipation of material and human resources that are necessary for the conservation of harmony and happiness in our world.	緬甸文化中的和平概念，可以被解釋為一種因為消除了那些會破壞和諧和有益事物的要素而帶來的幸福感。nyein-chan這個詞在字面上的意義可以被理解為緊隨火焰熄滅之後而來的令人愉悅的清涼之感。苦難和衝突的火焰正肆虐整個世界。在我的祖國，仇恨在最北部地方遠未停息；在西部地區，就在我此次出訪前幾天，導致縱火和謀殺的不同社區之間的暴力衝突仍在發生。關於其他地區暴行的新聞充斥我們的世界。關於饑餓、疾病、流離失所、失業、貧困、不公正、歧視、偏見、壓制異見的報導時有所聞，所有這些都是我們的日常遭遇的一部分。一切地方都存在破壞和平基礎的消極因素。一切地方都可以發現對創造世界和諧和福祉之對話必不可少的物質和人力資源的無謂浪費。
The First World War represented a terrifying waste of youth and potential, a cruel squandering of the positive forces of our planet. The poetry of that era has a special significance for me because I first read it at a time when I was the same age as many of those young men who had to face the prospect of withering before they had barely blossomed. A young American fighting with the French Foreign Legion wrote before he was killed in action in 1916 that he would meet his death: “at some disputed barricade;” “on some scarred slope of battered hill;” “at midnight in some flaming town.” Youth and love and life perishing forever in senseless attempts to capture nameless, unremembered places. And for what? Nearly a century on, we have yet to find a satisfactory answer.	第一次世界大戰帶來了令人恐懼的對青春和才智的浪費，對我們這個世界的積極力量的殘忍毀滅。那個時代的詩歌對我來說意義非凡，因為當我第一次讀到這些詩歌的時候，我與那些面臨含苞待放卻即刻就要枯萎的人生前景的青年們處於相仿的年紀。一位參與法國外籍兵團作戰的美國士兵，在1916年的一次戰鬥中犧牲之前，他這樣寫道，他即將面對自己的死亡，“在某個爭鬥的要塞”，“在某個瘢痕累累的激戰的山坡上”，或是“在大火紛飛的小鎮的午夜時分”。青春、愛和生命，為了奪取無名的、不會被人銘記的地方而作無謂的戰鬥，永遠地凋謝、毀滅。這樣的犧牲意義何在？一個世紀以來，我們依然需要為此找到令人滿意的回答。
Are we not still guilty, if to a less violent degree, of recklessness, of improvidence with regard to our future and our humanity? War is not the only arena where peace is done to death. Wherever suffering is ignored, there will be the seeds of conflict, for suffering degrades and embitters and enrages.	即便是不那麼暴力的層次上，難道我們就不應當為我們自己在關涉到我們的未來和人性的問題上所採取的輕率和無遠見的立場和行為而感到罪惡嗎？戰爭並不是唯一毀滅和平希望的方式。只要人類所遭受的苦難被漠視，那裡就埋下了衝突的種子，因為苦難使人沮喪、積累仇恨和憤怒。
A positive aspect of living in isolation was that I had ample time in which to ruminate over the meaning of words and precepts that I had known and accepted all my life. As a Buddhist, I had heard about dukha, generally translated as suffering, since I was a small child. Almost on a daily basis elderly, and sometimes not so elderly, people around me would murmur “dukha, dukha” when they suffered from aches and pains or when they met with some small, annoying mishaps. However, it was only during my years of house arrest that I got around to investigating the nature of the six great dukha. These are: to be conceived, to age, to sicken, to die, to be parted from those one loves, to be forced to live in propinquity with those one does not love. I examined each of the six great sufferings, not in a religious context but in the context of our ordinary, everyday lives. If suffering were an unavoidable part of our existence, we should try to alleviate it as far as possible in practical, earthly ways. I mulled over the effectiveness of ante- and post-natal programs and mother and childcare; of adequate facilities for the aging population; of comprehensive health services; of compassionate nursing and hospices. I was particularly intrigued by the last two kinds of suffering: to be parted from those one loves and to be forced to live in propinquity with those one does not love. What experiences might our Lord Buddha have undergone in his own life that he had included these two states among the great sufferings? I thought of prisoners and refugees, of migrant workers and victims of human trafficking, of that great mass of the uprooted of the earth who have been torn away from their homes, parted from families and friends, forced to live out their lives among strangers who are not always welcoming.	生活在與世隔絕狀態中的一個積極方面，是我因此有非常充裕的時間來反復思考我這一生所知和所接受的一些詞語和概念。作為一個佛教徒，我在自己還是個小孩子的時候就已經聽說了dukha(苦)這個概念，字面上可以理解為苦難、痛苦。在日常生活中，我們周圍的人，無論是年老的還是不那麼年老的，當他們遭受身體上的疼痛的時候，或遭遇一些人煩惱的小事的時候，他們大多會抱怨“痛苦，痛苦”。但是，只有在處於軟禁狀態的時候，我才開始真正的思考六種苦難的本質。這包括：被欺騙、衰老、生病、死亡、與所愛的人別離、被迫與所厭惡之人共存。我仔細考察了這六種痛苦，這種考察並不是宗教意義上的考察，而是日常生活意義上的考察。如果痛苦是我們的存在中不可避免地一部分，那麼我們就應當以切實可行的、世俗的方式來盡最大可能地減輕這些痛苦。我仔細研究了產前和產後瑜伽練習項目的效果以及母親和幼兒護理問題；為老年人提供的設施服務問題；內容廣泛的保健服務；以及具有同情心的護理和收容所問題。我尤其對最後這兩種痛苦具有好奇心：與所愛的人分離以及與所厭惡的人共存。是什麼樣的生活經歷使得佛祖將這兩種痛苦狀況放入人類所遭受的最大痛苦之列呢？我所想到的是囚犯和難民、流動工人和人口販賣的受害者，以及流離失所的無根的人民，所有這些人都被迫與他們的家園、家人和朋友分離，被迫生活在不總是那麼友好的陌生人之中。
We are fortunate to be living in an age when social welfare and humanitarian assistance are recognized not only as desirable but necessary. I am fortunate to be living in an age when the fate of prisoners of conscience anywhere has become the concern of peoples everywhere, an age when democracy and human rights are widely, even if not universally, accepted as the birthright of all. How often during my years under house arrest have I drawn strength from my favorite passages in the preamble to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights:	我們很幸運地生活在社會福利和人道援助不僅被視為是所需的且是必需的時代。我自己很幸運地生活在這樣一個良心犯的命運被一切人所關切的時代。在這樣一個時代，民主和人權被廣泛（即便不是得到普世的認同）視為一切人天生不可剝奪的自然權利。在軟禁期間，我曾經常從《世界人權宣言》序言中我所喜歡的段落中汲取力量：
……. disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspirations of the common people,	鑒於對人權的無視和侮蔑已發展為野蠻暴行，這些暴行玷污了人類的良心，而一個 世界人權宣言人人享有言論和信仰自由並免予恐懼和匱乏的世界的來臨，已被宣佈為普通人民的最高願望，
…… it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law . . .	鑒於為使人類不致迫不得已鋌而走險對暴政和壓迫進行反叛，有必要使人權受法治的保護……
If I am asked why I am fighting for human rights in Burma the above passages will provide the answer. If I am asked why I am fighting for democracy in Burma, it is because I believe that democratic institutions and practices are necessary for the guarantee of human rights.	如果有人問我為何投身於緬甸的人權事業，上述引文就是我的回答。如果有人問我為何投身緬甸的民主事業，那是因為我相信民主制度及其實踐是人權的基本保障。
Over the past year there have been signs that the endeavors of those who believe in democracy and human rights are beginning to bear fruit in Burma. There have been changes in a positive direction; steps towards democratization have been taken. If I advocate cautious optimism it is not because I do not have faith in the future but because I do not want to encourage blind faith. Without faith in the future, without the conviction that democratic values and fundamental human rights are not only necessary but possible for our society, our movement could not have been sustained throughout the destroying years. Some of our warriors fell at their post, some deserted us, but a dedicated core remained strong and committed. At times when I think of the years that have passed, I am amazed that so many remained staunch under the most trying circumstances. Their faith in our cause is not blind; it is based on a clear-eyed assessment of their own powers of endurance and a profound respect for the aspirations of our people.	在過去的一年中，種種跡象顯示那些篤信民主和人權的人們的努力開始在緬甸開花結果。情況正向積極方向扭轉；當局採取了一系列的民主化舉措。如果說我的樂觀態度是審慎的話，那不是因為我對未來沒有信心，而是因為我不想鼓勵盲信。沒有對未來的信念，沒有這樣的信念——民主價值和基本人權不僅是必要的，而且在我們的社會中是完全可能實現的，那麼，我們的事業就不可能在過去的這些艱苦歲月裡得以保持至今。我們中的一些鬥士在他們的崗位上倒下，一些離開了我們，但是我們中最核心的一群依然保持著強有力的信念和使命感。我時常想起過去的這些年，許多人在最艱苦的環境下依然忠貞不渝，這樣的堅持令我感歎不已。他們對我們事業的信念不是盲目的，而是建立在對自身的堅毅力量的明智的判斷以及對人民智慧的深刻尊重的基礎之上的。
It is because of recent changes in my country that I am with you today; and these changes have come about because of you and other lovers of freedom and justice who contributed towards a global awareness of our situation. Before continuing to speak of my country, may I speak out for our prisoners of conscience. There still remain such prisoners in Burma. It is to be feared that because the best known detainees have been released, the remainder, the unknown ones, will be forgotten. I am standing here because I was once a prisoner of conscience. As you look at me and listen to me, please remember the often repeated truth that one prisoner of conscience is one too many. Those who have not yet been freed, those who have not yet been given access to the benefits of justice in my country number much more than one. Please remember them and do whatever is possible to effect their earliest, unconditional release.	正是由於我國近期發生的一些變化，我才能有機會今天在此與諸位共聚一堂。而這些變化之所以發生，正是因為有你們，以及其他熱愛自由和正義的人們，努力推動國際社會意識到我們的處境。在提到我的祖國之前，請允許我為我們的良心犯說幾句話。在緬甸，依然有許多這樣的良心犯。有人擔心，因為最著名的被軟禁者已被釋放，其他的人，那些不知名的人士，將會被遺忘。我今天站在這裡，正是因為我曾經是一位良心犯。當你們看到我，聽我發表演講之時，我懇請諸君記住常被人說起的一段至理名言：良心犯一個都嫌多。那些尚在囹圄中的人們，那些在我國尚不能獲得正義權利的人們，遠遠不止是一個。請記住他們，並竭盡你們所能儘早促成他們的無條件釋放。
Burma is a country of many ethnic nationalities and faith in its future can be founded only on a true spirit of union. Since we achieved independence in 1948, there never has been a time when we could claim the whole country was at peace. We have not been able to develop the trust and understanding necessary to remove causes of conflict. Hopes were raised by ceasefires that were maintained from the early 1990s until 2010 when these broke down over the course of a few months. One unconsidered move can be enough to remove long-standing ceasefires. In recent months, negotiations between the government and ethnic nationality forces have been making progress. We hope that ceasefire agreements will lead to political settlements founded on the aspirations of the peoples, and the spirit of union.	緬甸是一個多民族國家，對國家未來的信念只能建立在真正的團結的精神之上。自從我們1948年獲得主權獨立以來，整個國家從來沒有一刻處於真正的和平之中。我們沒能建立起基本的信任和諒解，以此來消除導致衝突的原因。從1990年代早期到2010年，停火協議極大地增加了人們對國家和平的希望。但2010年這些協議在短短幾個月的時間內被徹底打破。一個沒有經過審慎考量的做法，就足夠徹底毀滅長期以來達成的停火協定。最近幾個月，政府和少數民族武裝之間的談判已經取得了一定的進展。我們希望，停火協議能夠帶來以人民意願和統一精神為基礎的政治和解。
My party, the National League for Democracy, and I stand ready and willing to play any role in the process of national reconciliation. The reform measures that were put into motion by President U Thein Sein’s government can be sustained only with the intelligent cooperation of all internal forces: the military, our ethnic nationalities, political parties, the media, civil society organizations, the business community and, most important of all, the general public. We can say that reform is effective only if the lives of the people are improved and in this regard, the international community has a vital role to play. Development and humanitarian aid, bi-lateral agreements and investments should be coordinated and calibrated to ensure that these will promote social, political and economic growth that is balanced and sustainable. The potential of our country is enormous. This should be nurtured and developed to create not just a more prosperous but also a more harmonious, democratic society where our people can live in peace, security and freedom.	我的政黨——全國民主聯盟，以及我本人已經做好準備，並且願意在全國和解的進程中發揮積極作用。吳登盛總統領導的政府所採取的改革措施，只有在與國內各派力量（軍方、各民族、政黨、媒體、公民社會組織、商界、以及最重要的——公眾）合作的前提下，才能持續下去。我們認為，改革只有在人民的生活得到改善，以及在此方面國際社會能夠發揮關鍵作用的情況下，才能算是有效的改革。發展和人道援助，雙邊協定和投資，應當加以協調和調整，以確保這些措施能夠促進平衡的和可持續的社會、政治和經濟增長。我國的發展潛力巨大。這些潛力應當得到支援，並進一步發展，目的不只是為了創造一個更加繁榮的社會，同樣是一個人民能夠在和平、安全和自由中安居樂業的更加和諧、民主的社會。
The peace of our world is indivisible. As long as negative forces are getting the better of positive forces anywhere, we are all at risk. It may be questioned whether all negative forces could ever be removed. The simple answer is: “No!” It is in human nature to contain both the positive and the negative. However, it is also within human capability to work to reinforce the positive and to minimize or neutralize the negative. Absolute peace in our world is an unattainable goal. But it is one towards which we must continue to journey, our eyes fixed on it as a traveller in a desert fixes his eyes on the one guiding star that will lead him to salvation. Even if we do not achieve perfect peace on earth, because perfect peace is not of this earth, common endeavours to gain peace will unite individuals and nations in trust and friendship and help to make our human community safer and kinder.	世界和平是不可分割的。只要任何地方存在損害積極力量的負面力量，我們所有的人都生活在風險之中。也許有人對是否能夠徹底消除所有的負面力量表示懷疑。對此的回答很簡單：“當然不能！”人性在本質上就包含了積極的和負面的方面。但是，同樣在人性之中，人類有能力努力鞏固積極要素，同時將負面要素最小化或使之中性化。實現世界的完全和平是一個難以企及的夢。但是，這應當是我們矢志不渝的目標，我們的雙目應堅定地鎖定這個目標，正有如荒漠中的旅人雙眼凝視那可以引導他走向救贖之路的星辰一般。即便我們不能實現完全的世界和平，因為這個世界並不存在完美的和平，但一般的追求和平的努力行動，也將通過信任和友誼把不同的人們和國家聯合起來，從而使得我們的人類大家庭變得更加安全和友好。
I used the word ‘kinder’ after careful deliberation; I might say the careful deliberation of many years. Of the sweets of adversity, and let me say that these are not numerous, I have found the sweetest, the most precious of all, is the lesson I learnt on the value of kindness. Every kindness I received, small or big, convinced me that there could never be enough of it in our world. To be kind is to respond with sensitivity and human warmth to the hopes and needs of others. Even the briefest touch of kindness can lighten a heavy heart. Kindness can change the lives of people. Norway has shown exemplary kindness in providing a home for the displaced of the earth, offering sanctuary to those who have been cut loose from the moorings of security and freedom in their native lands.	我使用了“更加友好”一詞，是經過深思熟慮的；甚至可以說是經過了許多年的思考。在各種不同的表達美好之意的詞彙（我要說的是這些詞彙並不是特別多）中，我發現最美好的、最珍貴的，就是我從友好的價值中所瞭解的東西。對人友好或與人為善，就意味著帶著敏感和人性的溫暖來對他們的希望和需求做出回應。即便是最簡單的友好接觸，也能在一顆沉重的心中點燃希望之光。友好之意能夠改變人們的生活。挪威在此方面是一個典範的例子：為世界上流離失所的人們提供庇護，為那些在其母國失去安全和自由港灣的人們提供避難所。
There are refugees in all parts of the world. When I was at the Maela refugee camp in Thailand recently, I met dedicated people who were striving daily to make the lives of the inmates as free from hardship as possible. They spoke of their concern over ‘donor fatigue,’ which could also translate as ‘compassion fatigue.’ ‘Donor fatigue’ expresses itself precisely in the reduction of funding. ‘Compassion fatigue’ expresses itself less obviously in the reduction of concern. One is the consequence of the other. Can we afford to indulge in compassion fatigue? Is the cost of meeting the needs of refugees greater than the cost that would be consequent on turning an indifferent, if not a blind, eye on their suffering? I appeal to donors the world over to fulfill the needs of these people who are in search, often it must seem to them a vain search, of refuge.	難民遍佈世界各地。在泰國Maela難民營的時候，我遇見一群勇於獻身的人，他們努力奮鬥，目的是要盡最大可能減輕那些難民所遭受的生活艱辛。他們提到對“捐助匱乏”的擔憂，這同時也可以被理解為是“同情心匱乏”。“捐助匱乏”最直接的體現是資金的減少。而“同情心匱乏”則不那麼直接的表現為關心的減少。一個是果，一個是因。我們能夠容忍同情心匱乏嗎？滿足難民需求的代價，難道比讓一隻冷漠的（如果不是完全無視的）眼睛看到他們的痛苦所要付出的代價更大嗎？我在此呼籲全世界的捐助者們，説明這些處於流離狀態的人們實現他們的需求，對這些人來說，他們尋求避難的努力似乎是沒有任何希望的。
At Maela, I had valuable discussions with Thai officials responsible for the administration of Tak province where this and several other camps are situated. They acquainted me with some of the more serious problems related to refugee camps: violation of forestry laws, illegal drug use, home brewed spirits, the problems of controlling malaria, tuberculosis, dengue fever and cholera. The concerns of the administration are as legitimate as the concerns of the refugees. Host countries also deserve consideration and practical help in coping with the difficulties related to their responsibilities.	在Maela難民營，我與不少難民營所在的Tak省的泰國政府官員進行了富有意義的談話。他們向我介紹了難民營中更加嚴重的一些問題：叢林法則的侵犯、非法毒品使用、自釀的烈性酒、控制瘧疾、肺結核、登革熱病以及霍亂問題。管理當局對這些問題的關注，與難民自身對這些問題的關注一樣是合情合理的。在解決與其責任相關的困難方面，接受難民的國家同樣應該得到關注和實際的幫助。
Ultimately our aim should be to create a world free from the displaced, the homeless and the hopeless, a world of which each and every corner is a true sanctuary where the inhabitants will have the freedom and the capacity to live in peace. Every thought, every word, and every action that adds to the positive and the wholesome is a contribution to peace. Each and every one of us is capable of making such a contribution. Let us join hands to try to create a peaceful world where we can sleep in security and wake in happiness.	我們的終極目標應當是創造一個不受流離、無家可歸和沒有希望之苦的世界，一個任何一個角落都應當成為能夠讓自由自在、安居樂業的人民居住的庇護之地的世界。能夠增進積極有益事物的每個想法、每個詞語、每個行動，都是對世界和平的貢獻。我們每個人都有能力作出這樣的貢獻。讓我們攜手努力，創造一個人人都能夠安然入睡、快樂醒來的和平世界。
The Nobel Committee concluded its statement of 14 October 1991 with the words: “In awarding the Nobel Peace Prize … to Aung San Suu Kyi, the Norwegian Nobel Committee wishes to honour this woman for her unflagging efforts and to show its support for the many people throughout the world who are striving to attain democracy, human rights and ethnic conciliation by peaceful means.” When I joined the democracy movement in Burma it never occurred to me that I might ever be the recipient of any prize or honour. The prize we were working for was a free, secure and just society where our people might be able to realize their full potential. The honour lay in our endeavour. History had given us the opportunity to give of our best for a cause in which we believed. When the Nobel Committee chose to honour me, the road I had chosen of my own free will became a less lonely path to follow. For this I thank the Committee, the people of Norway and peoples all over the world whose support has strengthened my faith in the common quest for peace. Thank you.	諾委會在1991年10月14日的頒獎聲明最後提到：“將諾貝爾和平獎……頒給昂山素季，挪威諾貝爾委員會希望向這位女性的不懈努力表達敬意，同時也向全世界通過和平手段為民主、人權和民族和解而奮鬥的人們表達支持”。當我加入緬甸民主運動之時，我從未想過有一天我會獲得任何獎項或者殊榮。我們為之奮鬥的最大的獎賞，是一個自由的、安全的、正義的社會。在這樣的社會中，我們的人民得以實現他們全部的潛能。榮譽在於我們的勇氣和不竭的努力。歷史給予了我們這樣的機遇，使我們能夠為我們所堅信的事業貢獻最美好的一切。諾貝爾委員會選擇向我表達敬意的時候，我憑藉自己的自由意志所選擇的這條道路就變得不再那麼孤獨了。因此，我必須感謝委員會，挪威人民，以及全世界所有支持我的人們，通過他們的支持，我更加鑒定了對我們所共同追求的和平的信念。謝謝你們。